A prominent Japanese politician remarked last week that Japan
could easily make thousands of nuclear weapons, drawing on the vast
plutonium reserves from its civil nuclear power program.
Liberal Party President Ichiro Ozawa made the remarks in a speech
delivered in Fukuoka, and said that he had made similar comments to
the visiting deputy chief of staff of the Liberation Army of
China.
"If China gets too conceited, the Japanese will get hysterical,"
the provocatively-inclined Ozawa said. It could encourage
conservatives more aggressively nationalistic than himself to pursue
a nuclear weapons program to counter the Chinese threat.
He later insisted that he had merely intended to warn against
excessive Chinese military buildup, and that he himself would view a
nuclear arms race between the two Asian powers as "a tragedy for
both countries."
Ozawa is a politician who captured the public imagination in the
early 1990s, both in Japan and abroad, with his book "Blueprint for
a New Japan," that rightly advocated an array of forward looking
political and economic policies that a decade and a faltering
reformist poster-boy prime minister later, Japan still badly needs
to implement.
The incident, however, typifies a self-defeating tendency of some
Japanese leaders, who speak menacingly about the consequences of
perceived future threats, while leaving the historical fact of past
unprovoked Japanese aggression largely silent. Such antics
illustrate the surest way to fail in achieving a Japan divested of
its former hindrances.
The Chinese People's Daily ran an unusually measured, strong
criticism of Ozawa's bluster, dismissing the politician as out of
touch with the anti-nuclear sentiment of his own country, a
sentiment that translated into electoral-power makes points
concerning weapons capability moot. China and Japan's other Asian
neighbors, furthermore, could be counted on, diplomatically, to nip
a weapons program in the bud.
The merest hint of any possible revival of Japanese militarism
plays very poorly from Seoul to Kuala Lumpur, among all the
countries Japan depends on for a wealth of trade and human capital.
These countries still smolder with indignation over past Japanese
aggressions and the continuing Japanese refusal to thoroughly
acknowledge those crimes.
Tellingly, the People's Daily article on Ozawa ran beside another
article detailing a recent contribution of forty-one photos to the
Memorial Hall of the Victims of the Nanjing Massacre, otherwise
known as the Rape of Nanjing, and startlingly not known at all among
some segments of the Japanese youth, kept ignorant by leaders who
turn history textbooks into exercises in revisionism.
The newly donated photos, like the exhibit on the Nanjing
Massacre that opened last December at San Francisco's St Mary's
Cathedral and then toured other U.S. cities, document exactly what
politicians like Ozawa should want the young Japanese to acknowledge
and vow clearly never to repeat.
Blueprints bypassing any trace of this past cannot lead to a new
Japan, or at least not to the strong and internationally involved
Japan that Ozawa, myself, and many others would like.
For the moment, though, we had better not wait for the old guard
of the Japanese political elite to have a change of heart. Their
shortcomings will likely pass when they themselves pass from
power.
Ozawa's comments, however, highlight a more pressing problem:
Japan's huge plutonium stockpile. If the political life of the
revisionist right in Japan seems long, consider the 24,000-year
half-life of plutonium.
Japan's first encounter with this extremely toxic element came in
the horrific bombing of Nagasaki on Aug 9, 1945. Unlike the uranium
bomb that had been dropped on Hiroshima three days earlier, the
Nagasaki bomb was made with plutonium. The 6.2 kilograms used in
that bomb, however, pale in comparison to the 30,000-plus kilograms
that Japan has accumulated through its plutonium-based civil power
production program.
This plutonium could, as Ozawa noted, be used for nuclear
weapons. It poses a huge threat to nuclear proliferation, as only a
small quantity is necessary to produce a bomb. It is an easy target
for terrorist groups, who covet it, stolen or purchased on the black
market.
Certainly bureaucratic inertia, more than any sinister or
secretive design, keeps the uneconomical and dangerous plutonium
program alive, if but barely. Nonetheless, it compromises Japan's
status as a key nation in the nonproliferation regime at a crucial
moment.
Ozawa and others rightly recognize a Chinese nuclear buildup as
undesirable, but the problem demands more than knee-jerk
reactionism. Suspicions over the plutonium program already run high,
and politicians here are mistaken to think that wielding such
suspicions as a deterrent will work.
A better approach is suggested by the former director of the
Nuclear Energy Division of the Foreign Ministry, Kumao Kaneko, who
has been a leading spokesperson for the move to create a EURATOM
equivalent in Asia.
This ASIATOM would likewise function to allay anxieties in the
region over the proliferation concerns of the member nations'
nuclear materials and facilities involved in civic programs,
including of course Japan's. It would aim to include operable
inspection and verification machinery to pave the way for the
confidence necessary to establish a nuclear-free zone in the
area.
Constructive Japanese moves in this direction, coupled with
thorough apologies for its destructive past, would assuage Asian
anxiety, and substantially elevate Japan's diplomatic voice.
Such a voice, if only leaders braver than Ozawa can assume it,
will have the strength to challenge the silence, and offer instead
the good sense to support an international system that seeks to
prevent another Nanjing or Hiroshima from occurring.
The writer is a Fulbright Fellow at the Institute for Peace
Science in Hiroshima.
Transport minister Chikage Ogi, third from
left, cuts tape at a ceremony to mark the opening of a second
runway at Narita airport on Wednesday. REUTERS NEWS
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